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Item A country on a knife-edge : Italy and its territorial differences(2011) Gelli, Francesca; Grasse, AlexanderItem An alternative narrative of the Second Italian Republic : a view from the city(2009) Gelli, FrancescaItem Die Bestimmungsgründe der Agrarförderung in Industrieländern und Schwellenländern(2005) Harsche, JohannesDas wesentliche Ziel der hier vorgestellten Untersuchung ist eine theoretische und empirische Erklärung des Niveaus der Agrarförderung in Industrieländern und Schwellenländern. Dies erfolgt zum Ersten mittels eines theoretischen Zwei-Sektoren-Politikmodells, das den Einfluss unterschiedlicher Interessengruppen auf das Entscheidungsverhalten der Agrarpolitiker aufzeigt. Zum Zweiten werden anhand empirischer Regressionsmodelle maßgebliche Determinanten für den Umfang der Agrarprotektion innerhalb unterschiedlicher Länder aufgezeigt. Dies geschieht anhand von Länder-Querschnittsmodellen, die auf Daten aus ausgewählten OECD-Staaten basieren. Aus den Regressionsergebnissen wird deutlich, dass zahlreiche agrarökonomische bzw. gesamtwirtschaftliche Variablen einen erheblichen Einfluss auf die Agrarpolitik ausüben. Anzuführen sind hier beispielsweise der Anteil der Landwirtschaft an den Erwerbstätigen, der Verstädterungsgrad oder die Außenhandelsstruktur eins Landes.Item Changing politics in Central Asia : the case of Kazakhstan(2010) Jetpysaeva, YelenaThe main reason for blaming the EU for not watching the regional reforms more often is based on the idea that the EU has a chance to stimulate and positively influence developments in Central Asia and Kazakhstan and to provide a democratic social model. Many analysts think the EU could use economic relations and business ties in the region for the sake of social development and vice versa arguing that social instability affects the EU business relations forcing Kazakhstani government to finally solve problems and execute necessary democratic reforms. For instance, Sebastien Peyrouse sees the following behavior: In theory, Europe could make use of its business potential to help spread the social model it incarnates. The EU could thus choose to privilege business relations that commit the participants to ensuring certain legal standards in economic activity and to strengthening the rule of law. This could be done, for instance, by giving preference to Central Asian companies that are committed to respecting the rights of local workers, to fighting corruption, promoting fair competition and good corporate governance, and recognizing the importance of contracts. The long-term objective would be to increase the social responsibility of Central Asian companies something that has indirect repercussions on the societies (PEYROUSE 2009, P. 11). Nevertheless, he also doubts that it can be easily done because of possible accusations by using its own doorstep to tax heavens particularly in Luxembourg - where Central Asian heads of state, their families and the oligarchs close to them deposit money siphoned off from national wealth (PEYROUSE 2009, P. 11). However, the history of the EU as a welfare union of states is more powerful than the use of accusations. Therefore, European politicians may successfully use economic ties, contacts, and obligations in long-term trade relations to influence the government to provide better social reforms to secure stability, as well as strengthen the power of the EU as an external player in the region. In this case, the economic topic should serve as a basis for the European strategy in the region. The EU therefore has every reason to implement forms of development assistance which, by helping European companies to establish themselves in the market, will play a key role in reducing Central Asia s social vulnerability and will contribute to the fight against poverty, which is currently the main issue that needs to be addressed by the international community and by regional governments (PEYROUSE 2009, P. 11). Continuation of this strategy that will enforce Kazakhstani government to provide the society with necessary reforms will gain a positive image for the union both within the region and globally. This also may help the EU, as an external player, to further obtain influence on governmental decision-making processes. It is obvious that social stability is the key to decrease economical risk factors and to improve the investment climate to benefit the whole development of a country or union. In this case, the EU strategy will profit the EU itself. Chances for a successful realization of such a plan are relatively high. Kazakhstan has been conduction fruitful business with EU Member States. According to the statistics, provided by the German Auswaertiges Amt, Germany takes place number eight in the list of Kazakhstan trading partners with a commodity turnover of EUR 5.7 billion in 2008, and it continues to grow (AUSWAERTIGES AMT 2009). In this area, Kazakhstan does not hide its ambitions; its Path to Europe program clearly states its intention to become one of the main communications hubs between Asia and Europe (PEYROUSE 2009, P. 9), according to Sebastien Peyrouse, who specialized on Central Asian trade and economic relations. The program called Path to Europe was signed by the President in August 2008 and supposed to be implemented during 2009-2011. According to evaluations made by the EU and Kazakhstani political analysts, the program will help to intensify and deepen the political collaboration between Kazakhstan and the EU. The introduction of the program has 3 stages and the basis for implementation of the program was prepared carefully. First of all, the president addressed his hopes for future profitable relations with the EU beforehand, in his annual message to the people of Kazakhstan. This message was used by Kazakhstani officials during political meetings to announce the future document. Finally, the document was signed and came into force in August 2008. The program seemed to be very promising. For instance, in March 2008, during the conference in the Netherlands, organized with the help of the Kazakhstan embassy, the ambassador of the Republic of Kazakhstan, Mainura Murzamadiyeva, familiarized more than 70 representatives of political, informational, and business layers of the Netherlands with the President´s message to the people of Kazakhstan, where he had announced the future program. Many of Dutch political scientists stated that the proposals the president made in his message will definitely intensify political cooperation between Kazakhstan and the EU, attract foreign investments, bring new technologies, and help to bring people of different regions close to each other. Analyzing the program Path to Europe that is celebrating its first anniversary this August, since it was signed in 2008, the following objectives are performed by the government of the Republic of Kazakhstan: - Cooperation with the EU countries; - Creation of required conditions for technological cooperation; - Energy cooperation development; - Transport cooperation development; - Technical regulation and metrology cooperation; - Trade-economic relation strengthening and broadening; - Small and medium-sized enterprises development; - Living conditions improvement cooperation; - Humanitarian cooperation; - Kazakhstani legal base improvement and European experience application. Kazakhstan clearly stated that it expects the level of a strategic partnership with leading European countries in political, economic, and humanitarian spheres and a trade commodity turnover increase by 10% per year as well as a high level of exchange visits. The country also expects the EU to help to promote Kazakhstan internationally which will improve the investment climate and, therefore, the economic situation.However, priorities of the country remain unclear showing the country s reluctance to answer the questions on how to establish democracy and solve the following problems continuation of efforts on creation of conditions for democracy institutions development on the OSCE territory; transport and transit potential development; Eurasian transcontinental transport corridors development; ecological problems solutions; trust measures and regional security strengthening; non-military aspects of safety development under the OSCE activities including terror, extremism, drug trafficking, organized crime, weapons and people s sale fighting and Afghanistan reconstruction . To reach the declared goals and priorities, Kazakhstan needs the support of the EU and cooperation. Many political and business analysts provide recommendations suggesting to establish trade chambers and delegation sections related to trade and business that will monitor the activities, provide more legal support and consultations for small and medium-sized business in the region. Further, they suggest establishing more exchange programs for Kazakhstani businessmen to bring more business culture and experience. To monitor and evaluate the progress, the EU can establish clear and visible rating systems with distinct conditions and deadlines. In this case, evaluation committees and reports with full transparency are crucial. However, the first step, the EU should fulfill, is to admit that the time of soft power has ended and finally declare a clear political dimension. Without a distinctive view and goal, the EU will not succeed in representing a strong power and will not improve the policy that has been executing in Kazakhstan since signing the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement in 1992.Item Comparing and Inter-Relating the European Union and the Russian Federation : Viewpoints from an international and interdisciplinary students' project(2006) Langenohl, Andreas; Westphal, KirstenItem Digital Sustainability Education - Potential, Development Trends and Good Practices(2021-08) Beer, Katrin; Biedenkopf, Katja; Breitmeier, Helmut; Gerner, Martin; Große, Nora; Gumbert, Tobias; Hein, Jonas; Hickmann, Thomas; Kiesler, Natalie; Lederer, Markus; Marquardt, Jens; Pettibone, Lisa; Schwindenhammer, Sandra; Strobehn, Katrin; Teuber, Ramona; Weiland, Sabine; Schwindenhammer, Sandra; Strobehn, Katrin; Breitmeier, Helmut; Hickmann, Thomas; Lederer, Markus; Marquardt, Jens; Weiland, SabineDigital sustainability education (DSE) is becoming increasingly relevant in higher Education for Sustainable Development (ESD) and spreads globally. DSE is fueled by the Covid-19-pandemic and urges lecturers, students and universities alike to break new ground in academic teaching. DSE impacts established approaches to ESD and raises questions of appropriate online teaching concepts, tools and enabling institutional, legal and political conditions. While lecturers are facing the challenge to conceptualize and implement innovative DSE concepts, students have to deal with new learning dynamics, requirements and obstacles. More and more universities are committed to or called upon to build enabling infrastructures for the spread and institutionalization of DSE. This working paper discusses core objectives and contextual conditions of DSE and sheds light on political, conceptual and didactical issues. It presents the outcomes of the online workshop “Digital Sustainability Education: Innovative Teaching Practices and Didactics in Times of Crisis” co-hosted by the Center for international Development and Environmental Research (ZEU) at Justus Liebig University Giessen and the Working Group Environmental Politics and Global Change of the German Political Science Association (25 – 26 March 2021). The paper maps eight good practice DSE teaching examples developed by lecturers from universities from different countries, introduces a toolbox and provides insights into individual and collective lessons learned. In doing so, the working paper contributes to current conceptual and political discussions on DSE and seeks to provide practical orientation for everyone engaged in the dynamic DSE field and university teaching in general.Item Direkte Kommunikation zwischen Parteien und Wählern in Italien(2009) Müller, JuliaItem Erfolg und Misserfolg des Movimento 5 Stelle : Die Parlamentswahlen 2013(2013) Brandau, BastianItem The EU strategy for Central Asia and Kyrgyzstan foreign policy(2010) Momosheva, NaziraOver the last two years the European Union has changed its attitude towards the countries of Central Asia. The EU has strengthened its relationship with the region since the adoption of The EU and Central Asia: Strategy for a New Partnership by the European Council in June 2007. The strategy aims to strengthen relations in all spheres of cooperation. The objectives of the new strategy are reinforcement of political dialogue through regular meetings of EU and Central Asian Foreign Ministers, reinforcement of dialogue on human rights, cooperation in the areas of education, rule of law, advancement of trade and economic relations, energy, transport, environment, water as well as joint activities against common threats and challenges. The strategy is supported by a significant increase in EU assistance. For Kyrgyzstan, as one of the Central Asian countries, the presence in world politics is only possible through the participation in the international organizations on the global and regional level. The current geopolitical situation requires a balanced relationship with countries in near and far abroad and a well-adjusted policy of between different poles of influence. To support and advance its national interests at the sub-regional (Central Asia), regional (within the CIS, European and Asian areas) and global (via the system of international organizations) levels, Kyrgyzstan conducts targeted, multi-balanced foreign policy. The initiatives and activities commensurate with the real political and economic capabilities and the degree of involvement in international policy processes. In recent years the importance of the economic dimension of foreign policy has increased. This is connected with the objective to contribute to reforms and economic stabilization in the country and strengthen its position in foreign markets. The international relations of Kyrgyzstan traditionally mean close contacts with Central Asian states. The reasons are geographical neighborhood, related cultures, traditions, customs and common historical destiny, as well as the complementarities and interdependences of economies. The analysis of Kyrgyzstan´s cooperation with other CIS countries proves the necessity of these relationships. However, despite well-developed legal framework, the potential of the cooperation is not fully exhausted due to objective circumstances. Status and prospects of Kyrgyz relations with the developed countries show, that the conclusion of bilateral agreements and intensification of the investment in Kyrgyz economy would lead to the stable development to a market economy. The cooperation with Western countries is one of the most important foreign policy priorities of the Kyrgyz Republic. The most active relationships are maintained with such leading countries as the United States, Germany and France. However, despite the positive impact of these relations, the danger of partial or complete economic dependence cannot be ignored. Especially Kyrgyz-German relations are developing most actively, including declaratory stage and have reached the level of specific bilateral cooperation. With other Western States Kyrgyzstan has an only fragmented and unstable relation. Due to economic and financial difficulties and poor resource potential, Kyrgyzstan could not fully develop bilateral relations with many countries, in particular, with the Asia-Pacific region. However, the enhancement of cooperation with these states has good prospects for the republic. As a landlocked country, located on the periphery of the major routes, Kyrgyzstan seeks to create infrastructure on the basis of the alliance and partnership with Russia, Kazakhstan,Uzbekistan, Tajikistan and other CIS countries as well as through the development of transnational projects, linking the states of Eurasian continent and of the Asia-Pacific region. Since independence, the Kyrgyz Republic became a member of the leading international organization. This is a fundamental factor for the inclusion of the country into the global processes. Thus, in the foreign policy of the Kyrgyz Republic has already identified the priority areas, which are characterized by the principles of multilateralism. This allows the country to establish bilateral relations with many countries in the world without strict obligations due to the transitional period of development. The best option for the operation on the international arena is foreign policy, which enables the country to continue the policy of balancing between the poles of influence.Item The European Union and Central Asia : challenges and prospects of cooperation(2010) Rakhimov, MirzokhidThe partnership of CA and the EU concerning political, economical, energy, transport and educational issues should be continued. The partnership will contribute the maintenance and development of peace, stability, cooperation and modernizations in the region. The EU and CA are an important and strong bilateral and multilateral cooperation. This is necessary for economic reforms and for attracting foreign aid and direct investment. Therefore, the EU and CA need to develop a concrete long-range partnership strategy. Regional cooperation in CA and Eurasia will also maintain peace and security in the region. First of all, regional organizations need to concentrate on further regional integration in CA to adequately meet the increasing processes of globalization. It is important to study the experience of the EU and ASEAN and to develop bilateral and multilateral relations with them. A well developed regional transport system in CA is essential for regional prosperity. Regional and international transport networks and substantial trade relations will facilitate foreign investment from foreign countries. CA republics consider the development of alternative regional transport communications as important for the national, regional and international strategy. As a result, a new transport communication connection between Asia and Europe has been developed.The EU and the NATO partnership with CA countries is important for the promotion of stability and security in CA nations. They are also needed to assist the pursuit of sustainable economic development and poverty reduction in the region. At the same time, the stabilization and restoration of Afghanistan s economy are key objectives. Due to different approaches and understandings of the situation in Afghanistan, there are many problems among the different actors including the NATO, the EU, OSCE and other international organizations. In future, the cooperation between CA nations and the EU as well as other international and regional organizations should incorporate the following aspects: Firstly, the EU and CA nations should continue their partnership on alternative transport corridors and pipelines as well as their cooperation in solving a wide range of problems, including ecological ones. Secondly, Afghanistan is an international and regional factor of security and stabilization. Therefore, it is important for the future of CA. Thirdly, the EU, the NATO, and OSCE need to have a regular consultation and joint projects in CA and Afghanistan. Fourthly, international organizations are best to work together with CA republics, Pakistan, Iran, and other neighboring countries. Fifth, the EU, the NATO, and OSCE need to have strong relations and maybe join projects on Afghanistan with Commonwealth Independent States, Shanghai Cooperation Organization, Eurasian Economic Community, and Collective Treaty Security Organizations. Globalization and security challenges require a broader partnership and cooperation. It is necessary to enlarge the Central Asian - EU relations. A future strong partnership would promote stability and economic progress in CA and Europe.Item From friends to collaborators? : A comparison of bilateral conflicts in the Italo-German relationship(2009) Dinger, DörteThe analysis demonstrated the necessity to broaden our understanding of bilateral relations by including constructivist perspectives. In the Andreotti and the Berlusconi case, changes on the interaction level in the sense of shifts from solution to escalation are quite evident when comparing the two empirical cases. But they do not tell much about the depth of that very change. Going one step further, however, also in the dimension of meaning changes in degree can be found: constructions of the relationship shift from idealistic to rather pragmatic notions. From undisputed alliance loyalty, the "why´s" and "how´s" of Italo-German cooperation have become more contested and ambivalent. These results point to an enduring and substantial character of change that has taken place, since structures of meaning are intersubjective and hardly reducible to personality or particular circumstances. The analysis, thus, challenges prevailing beliefs on continuity in Italo-German relations and provides further empirical evidence in support of Rusconi´s estrangementhypothesis. Furthermore, it refutes simplistic explanations of Italo-German difficulties as caused exclusively by an Italian Prime Minister being unpopular in Germany. In contrast, merely superficial developments are accompanied by and embedded in deeper changes in the relationship´s meaning. Although the results of the presented case comparison convey a clear message, they have to be treated somewhat cautiously. In the end, the analysis was about comparing two single anecdotes, which do not (and neither aim to) represent the total sum of Italo-German contacts. They may still serve as first illustration of the usefulness of systematic comparative analysis. However, further research has to be undertaken in order to prove whether results hold true in other settings and broader frameworks of Italo-German cooperation.Item Governance and agencies : New policy instruments up against the crisis(2010) Pacetti, Valentina; Pichierri, AngeloItem Item Il Popolo della Libertà : die Auferstehung der Democrazia Cristiana?(2009) Grimm, MarkusItem Indikatoren nachhaltiger Ernährung - Messkonzepte und empirische Evidenz(2021) Seeburg, RobertItem Italian antipolitics as a long run question : "Bad civil societies" or "bad elites"?(2008) Gangemi, GiuseppeItem Italian economic reconstruction and the Marshall plan : A reassessment(2009) Raftopoulos, RigasItem Italienische Finanzkrise und Börsendemokratie(2012) Grasse, Alexander